Sunday, January 26, 2020

Medulla Oblongata: Function and Location

Medulla Oblongata: Function and Location Medulla oblongata The medulla oblongata is a very interesting part of the brain. This very small section of the brain stem has a very large amount of responsibility in the human body. Studies concerning this section help in the understanding of many basic biological functions of the body. Some of the actions are ones that we dont even notice are happening on a day-to-day basis but are very important to human life. The medulla oblongata has many different connections with other areas of the brain, plays a key role in several functions of the body, has neurotransmitters that are involved in the functioning of this area, has diseases that can greatly affect its roles in the body. The medulla oblongata has many connections to other areas of the brain. The medulla oblongata is the most inferior portion of the brainstem and is about three centimeters long. It slightly bulges out of the brain stem. It is located in between the pons and the spinal cord. The axons that carry sensory information to and motor instructions from the higher brain regions pass through the brainstem. It creates tracts that allow communication to pass through from certain sides of the brain. These tracts house fibers that cross each other in pyramidal region of the medulla oblongata allowing the brain to communicate with the opposite of the body. Vital nuclei located in the gray matter of the medulla oblongata are used for cranial nerves. The medulla oblongata has many different functions in the body. These functions are being performed at all hours of the day, many of them without contribution from other sections of the brain. One main function is relaying signals between the brain and the spinal cord. The medulla helps with coordinating very large body movements liking jogging or climbing. The medulla houses portions of the brain that control what is considered automatic homeostatic functions as well as some primitive organs (Campbell and Reece 2008). The cardiac portion constantly sends inhibitory impulses to the heart to tell it to slow down. This portion also sends acceleratory impulses through the spinal nerves to make the heart beat faster whenever it may be necessary. The vasomotor portion sends impulses via spinal nerves through the spinal cord to muscles walls around arteries causing them to constrict. This constriction of arteries will cause blood pressure to rise. The respiratory portion houses respiratory nuclei that control the depth and rate of breathing. The medulla oblongata also plays a role in reflex responses. The capability to respond quickly to a stimulus can be very important when there is a need to survive. Reflex responses include swallowing, sneezing, vomiting, coughing, and digestion. A lot of these functions are involuntary or start off voluntary and then transform in to involuntary functions. The activity of the medulla oblongata rely on axons that reach many areas of the cerebral cortex and the cerebellum, releasing neurotransmitters such as norepinephrine, dopamine, serotonin, and acetylcholine. When under stress, norepinephrine relays messages to the brain that control reflex reactions and ability to pay attention. Like epinephrine, norepinephrine also triggers the fight-or-flight response. The fight-or-flight response is directly related to heart rate. It causes glucose from energy being stored to be released and blood flow to increase to muscles that enable the body to react as necessary. Norepinephrine raises blood pressure when used as a drug. This raise in blood pressure causes a correlated drop in heart rate. Dopamine, another neurotransmitter in the brain, opens dopamine receptors also affecting blood pressure and heart rate. Serotonin is a neurotransmitter that deals with mood. Excessive aggressive, sadness, or jealousy is linked to the medulla oblongata. Acetylcholine is used in the motor division and cross over in the medulla oblongata. It is involved in muscle movement, autonomic body functions, and excitatory reactions. Many diseases and disorders affect the medulla oblongata. One disorder is a very rare and often fatal medullar abscess (Wait 2009). A medullar abscess is viewed as a condition of rapidly progressive multiple cranial nerve palsies and decreased level of consciousness (Wait 2009). Multiple system atrophy is a neurological disorder that degenerates nerves cells located in areas of the brain including the medulla oblongata. This disease can cause the loss of control of autonomic functions such as bladder control, movement, and coordination (Benarroch 1997). Damage to the medulla oblongata can cause several functions of the body to be thrown off and even death. Because cranial nerves run through this section of the brain injury there can cause several sensory problems. For instance, injury can cause numbness or paralysis of the palate and throat causing drooling and a lack of taste. This numbness can also obviously cause problems with speech. It can also cause gagging, inability to rotate the neck, and acid reflux. Surprisingly if a person suffers from brain damage their body can still function if the medulla oblongata is not damaged. However, damage to the medulla oblongata can cause the need for a breathing machine or other life support equipment. If the medulla oblongata is damaged sometimes the brain and body can recover and no longer need the use of a life support machine, but often the body cannot recover and a person is considered to be brain dead. In this stage, the removal of a life support machine will mean a persons body will no longer function and that person will die. A great assortment of medications and drugs can also alter the state of the medulla oblongata. Overdoses usually result in death because the medulla oblongata cannot carry out its functions under that amount of a specific drug. Opiates, coma, and hypothermia can affect the medulla oblongata in ways that cause the body to exude physical conditions comparable to death. Anesthesia is able to function as it does because its chemical components cause the medulla oblongata to decrease its autonomic functions. References Benarroch E, Smithson I. 1997. Distribution and relationships of neuropeptide y and NADPH-Ddiaphorase in human ventrolateral medulla oblongata. J Auto Nerv Sys. 62(3): 143-146. Hashimoto M, Hatasa M, Shinoda S. 1992. Medulla oblongata germinoma in association with Klinefelter syndrome. Surg Neur. 37(5): 384-387. Wait S, Beres E, Nakaji P. 2009. Bacterial abscess of the medulla oblongata. J Clin Neur. 16(8): 1082-1084. Campbell A, Reece J. 2008. Biology. 8th ed. San Francisco (CA): Benjamin Cummings. 1245.

Friday, January 17, 2020

Gender Ideologies in Local Context Essay

Present essay deals with analysis of gender ideologies’ functioning in certain local contexts. The latter is discussed through the prism of interactionist approach, which seems to be the most effective in terms of describing micro-level at which gender ideologies function. It provides with possibilities for studying how performative, discourse and social strategies of actors realized in local contexts are embedded in general gender ideology framework. For the present analysis a bar was chosen as the local context, where field study was conducted and gender ideologies’ reflection in interactions between men and women were analyzed. The central research question of this paper, hence, may be formulated as follows: how do gender ideologies shape interactions between men and women in bar or night club? Gender ideologies in local contexts: interactionist approach. Gender ideologies represent certain social and cultural constructs, which structure the perception of female and masculine identities, societal roles, family status and production relations etc (Philips, 2). Gender ideologies should be understood as a product of social structure, which fosters different roles of men and women in society. For instance, it may be said that currently dominant perception of women in society was formed within predominantly patriarchal discourse. Paradoxically, patriarchal perception of women affects their own gender ideology and identity, which often corresponds with socially constructed identity. Hence, women’s interactions with men are affected by the absence of their organic self-identity – they are forced to interact within the discourse created by men. However, the latter is realized through women’s own discursive system, which may be described as the micro-level of gender ideology. As Lakoff suggests, women and men learn their distinct languages from the childhood, which being the part of universal language, in fact reflect different identities in gender interactions (Lakoff, 222). Interactions, according to interactionist approach are based on endowing of certain subjective actions of the Other with meaning and symbols (Blumer, 45). In gender interactions, such meaning is ascribed to actions, based on gender ideologies. For instance, as Lakoff suggests of women’s discourse, ‘If she refuses to talk like a lady, she is ridiculed and subjected to criticism as unfeminine’ (Lakoff, 222). The latter example shows that gender ideologies are genuinely embedded in gender interactions, because they form the frame of understanding, actions’ meaning and behavior. Moreover, as Lakoff suggests, there exist considerable differences between women’s and men’s use of vocabulary, especially as far as the use of strong words, adjectives and particles are concerned (Lakoff, 223-224). The latter may be evident in any local context, including gender interactions in bar or nightclub, as it would be shown. Any local context activates specific aspects of gender ideology. According to Philips, notwithstanding culture, ‘There are at least four aspects of human experience that regularly enter into gender ideologies. These include work, appearance, sexuality and reproduction’ (Philips, 8). There is no denying the importance of the fact, that in the interactionist context, analyzed in this paper, such aspects as sexuality and appearance come into play in the first place. Based on these general theoretic considerations concerning gender ideologies let us analyze their reflection in concrete location’s context of bar, based on the empirical data collected in the field study. Gender Ideologies in gender interactions in bar Field research for this study was conducted in Dirtbags Bar and Grille in Tucson, AZ on June 1, 2009 during 10:30-Midnight. The data collection orientation focused on observing how gender ideologies affect gender interactions in this situational context. The first observation includes objective behavioral patterns of men and women during their visit to bar. It was established as a fact, that men may arrive to bar both in 3-4 individuals groups and alone. Women, as the field study found never arrive alone, but only with their boyfriend of female friend. The latter situation may be interpreted through the prism of Butler’s approach to gender identity construction. According to Buttler, identity is constructed based on repetition of certain behavioral patterns, gestures, discourses etc (Butler, 519). The latter implies that social structures, existing in society already provide women with stable behavioral orientations, taught to them by their families, older friends. One of such behavioral codes, which are immediately linked to gender ideology may be described as the cultural taboo for visiting entertainment public places alone. Such taboo is connected first of all with institutionalized male perception of women, being alone in the bar or night club, as the invitation for sexual relations. Based on this perception, visiting bar alone for women automatically means moral fault, since she is immediately associated with prostitute etc. Unlike women’s case, in men’s gender ideology the problem of man’s visiting bar alone does not exist, since it is not problematized as gender issue at all. Therefore, it is evident that men have more behavioral options and may choose between them to one’s own like. Buttler suggests that gender identities and ideologies are constructed through theatrical and performative interactions (Buttler, 520). The latter is particular evident in women’s focus on their dress, while visiting the bar. Women are more prone to put the emphasis on their own clothes and comment on the apparels of their female friends. They often made complements concerning good dress of each other. As the same time, men regularly have no tendency to comment on the clothes of their male friends. Instead, they often make complements to women concerning their dress. The latter observations show that gender ideology functions through performative and theatrical behavior reflected in the culture of dressing. Men are relatively indifferent to what their friends wear, however, pay much attention to what women wear. The performative and theatrical role of gender ideologies is also evident in women and men behavior, when they enter the bar. Women express much more willingness to be noticed by public, including both men and women, as they immediately look for people they know. Unlike, women, men seem to be less tied by any social obligations as they often go straight to the bar and order drinks and only after this greet people they know. Moreover, a bar serves for men a spot to sit down, while women prefer staying near the bar and being attentive to what is going on around them. Gender ideological conventions concerning sexuality are also evident in the types of drinks ordered by men and women. First of all, male gender ideology is obvious in the wide-spread practice of ordering drinks by men for women, especially as the part of acquaintance or showing sexual interest. Such behavior is often welcomed by women, who are embedded in gender ideologies of men, because women are prone to interpret such attention as the marker of sympathy and often use it in their own interest. As far as the type of beverages, drunk by men and women are concerned, men usually do not differentiate between different drinks, while women often order low calorie beverages such as ‘diet coke and Bacardi’ or sugar free redbull. The latter shows that the majority of women are embedded in the discourse relating to their appearance and sexuality, which is according to Philips is one of the central aspects of gender ideology (Philips, 9). Women, embedded in gender ideology, try to follow its main conventions in any local context, including bar. Gender interactions in bar are also characterized by both and men and women behavior directed at emphasizing correspondingly their femininity and masculinity. Men in the conversation with women always try to lower the pitch of their voices, while women often raise it. As Tannen suggests, such strategies are inherently gender, because they are affected by existing ideological representations of femininity and masculinity (Tannen, 169). In these ideological representations masculinity is characterized by the low pitch of voice, which is associated with men authority and women’s high pitch, associated with her secondary role in society. Gender socialization patterns in bar are also very informative, as far as the reflection of gender ideologies is concerned. Women feel more comfortable always being in company either of their female or male friends. In contrast, men may be either alone or in company without any differentiation. For women being in company guarantees the stability of her identity, because she may fully realize her performative and theatrical patterns of behavior. In contrast, being alone often causes negative gender connotations. Gender interactions in a bar are predominantly initiated by men, when a member of a male group offers a drink to a woman or a group of women. Often women refuse such invitations, however, in a majority of cases they agree even if they feel compelled and uncomfortable in communicating with the large group of men. A man being alone, however, is less prone to initiate conversations with women, than if he finds himself in company. There is no denying the importance of the fact, that the discussed pattern of gender interactions in bar reflects certain features of dominant gender ideologies. As Butler suggests, gender interactions are regulated by social sanctions and taboos (Butler, 520). One of such taboos may be formulated as follows: women are generally not eligible to initiate gender interactions with men; such priority solely belongs to the latter due to their primary role in gender relations. The realization of this taboo is particularly evident in bar context, where women generally behave in such a manner in order to stimulate men’s interest, however, their own interests is hidden from public. A woman may be interested in communicating with a given man, however, due to certain gender limitations she is more likely to refuse from her ambitions. Moreover, men usually feel uncomfortable when gender interactions are initiated by women, because it is usually mocked up in his male company. Hence, it may be postulated that taboos and limitations relating to gender interactions exist both in male and female gender ideologies. If a woman and a man know each other they usually greet by hugs, kisses and even if they are not engaged in romantic relations, they often show some kind of flirting. In personal interactions between men and women gender ideologies are also evident in men’s primary role in initiating tactile closeness with women, especially after alcohol drinks, including closeness, flirt, kisses, hugs, joking etc. Women, interested in such gender interactions, would not hesitate to communicate and flirt. However, a woman, who feels uncomfortable in this situation, according to the field study conducted, tries to use any possibility to escape from such kind of interactions. Gender ideologies are also embedded in the purpose of men and women’ visiting bars. Men usually visit bars to chase after women and find the object of their sexual desires etc. Women may also visit bars in this purpose, however, their clear intentions are not seen so obviously as that of men, hence, we may speak of dubious nature of their purpose. Such distribution of gender roles clearly resonates with dominant gender ideology, according to which men have the priority in initiating close gender relations. As far as dancing practices in bars are concerned, men are less prone to dance alone; however, women have no qualms about it. Men prefer dancing if they want to initiate interactions with women – in such a case they dance close to her. Apart from this, gender interactions in bar are often characterized by age limitations. Older women rarely visit such kind of places; however, older men may be seen there more frequently. Conclusion Gender ideologies represent language reflection of certain social and behavioral patterns of men and women and society. They usually refer to different social roles, types of discourse, sanctions and taboos and behavior of men and women. The analysis of gender ideologies in local context of bar showed that they are reflected in concrete interactions. Men and women usually act according to well-established gender conventions of behavior, which are reflected in initiating interactions, purpose of bar visit, behavior in groups, intersexual behavior etc. Women seem to be considerably affected by their representation in men gender ideologies, which means that they have no behavioral choices. In contrast, men’s behavior is characterized by the possibility of choice between a wide range of options. Men may be either alone or with friends, initiate gender interactions or not etc. Women have virtually no choices: they have refuse from initiating interactions, positively respond to any men’s attempt to initiate communication, always be in a company etc. Moreover, gender interactions in bar reflect crucial social perceptions of women sexuality and appearance, which are the first aspect of gender coming into play in bar context. Women put emphasis on their appearance and clothes and often try to present their identity in performative and theatrical way, which according to Buttler, immediately links such kind of behavior to gender strategies. In contrast men, pay less attention to such things and behave in a more casual and free way. Finally, men’s behavior in a bar is regulated by the lesser number of social sanctions and taboos. References Blumer, Herbert (1969). Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method. Berkeley: University of California Press. Butler, Judith. (1988). ‘Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Feminist Theory’. Theatre Journal. Vol. 40 # 4, (519-531). Lakoff, Robin. Extract from Language and Woman’s Place. Philips, Susan U. (1999). Gender Ideology, Cross Cultural Aspects. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Oxford: Elsevier Science Ltd. Tannen, Deborah. â€Å"She is the Boss†: Women and Authority.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

The Scope Of Competency For Counseling Psychologists

Abstract This paper explores the difference between the scope of practice and the scope of competency of psychology subfields. This paper also elaborates on examples of professional fields in relation to scope of practice and scope of competency. Included research helps identify and elaborate more specifically on counseling psychologists and how the code of ethics is applied. The scope of practice for counseling psychologists includes helping individuals explore and recognize his/her strengths and identify a fitting-career and/or ways to cope with work problems between others. The scope of competency for counseling psychologists adheres to the same benchmarks that other practicing psychologists must follow, including the process of informed consent. 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Wednesday, January 1, 2020

Essay On Classism In To Kill A Mockingbird - 816 Words

Classism was carved into people because of the society they were born in. The classism inside is further compounded when put into situations that will affect thinking perpetually. In Harper Lee’s novel, To Kill a Mockingbird, Scout, a puerile girl living in a diminutive town, Maycomb, she was put into a society where everyone is a classist. Though many dont realize it, including Scout, they believe in class systems because of what they were born to believe. Scout is put into many situations with people in lower classes, which makes her realize what is going through her head about class is erroneous. Consequently, through Scouts experience with marginalized people, that only then she is able to overcome her own classism. Scout was†¦show more content†¦The book guarantees that they just went to class once per year, the first day, since they didnt have cash to pay for a education. Along these lines, Scout was always told how the population of her general public resembled, how they ought to be dealt with and how their living conditions resembled. She never got an opportunity to meet the lower classes through depth, yet just naturally passed judgment on them in view of their past experiences with other individuals. When her dad gets a case to demonstrate a black man, Tom Robinson, blameless, Scout begins understanding that that she will never know whether the individual that everybody is judging is an awful individual, until the point that she can meet them herself. Many individuals in the town of Maycomb can not manage the cost of things that are required for regular day to day existence. While the general population of higher classes can manage the cost of their day by day necessities and the skys the limit from there, lower class individuals cant bear to pay for anything that may even be hazardous and simply need to manage what they have. In like manner, the Ewells family has â€Å"never called a doctor†¦ in [their] life, and if [they] had it would have cost [them] five dollars† (Lee 178). In spite of the fact that, the Ewells worked so hard, they were never ready to discover effective high class occupations in light of their standard living conditions and